Naturalization
By Patrick Weil
Citizenship rests with
territory at the heart of the definition of nation-state. If territory
determines the geographical limits of state sovereignty, citizenship determines
a state's population. Beyond these limits one finds foreign land, foreign
sovereignty, and foreigners. Drawing the boundary within which some human
beings are included and others excluded as foreigners, permitting some of them
to acquire citizenship with certain conditions and others to lose citizenship,
is a state prerogative that requires legal tools. In citizenship law, the two
most important legal tools traditionally used to determine citizenship are:
All nations use jus soli and jus sanguinis in
defining attribution of citizenship at birth. However, two other tools are used
in citizenship law, attributing citizenship after birth through naturalization:
In eighteenth-century Europe, jus soli was the
dominant criterion of nationality in the two most powerful kingdoms: France and
the United Kingdom. The state simply inherited feudal tradition: human beings
were linked to the lord who held the land where they were born. The French
Revolution broke with this feudal tradition. Against Napoléon Bonaparte's wish,
the new civil code of 1804 granted French nationality at birth only to a child
born to a French father, either in France or abroad. This policy of jus
sanguinis, representing a modern innovation, was not ethnically motivated; it
simply reflected the fact that individual rights and family had become more
important than subjecthood and state power. This French innovation was borrowed
extensively and became the law in Austria (1811), Belgium (1831), Spain (1837),
Prussia (1842), Russia (1864), Italy (1865), Netherlands (1888), Norway (1892),
and Sweden (1894).
The British tradition of jus soli, on the
contrary, was transplanted, unamended and unbroken, to Britain's colonies in
North America (the United States and Canada), Europe (Ireland), Africa (South
Africa), and Australia. It also influenced Portugal and Denmark until the
Nordic countries adopted a common nationality regime in the 1920s.
Were a population and territory to match one
another exactly, attributing citizenship on the basis of jus sanguinis, jus
soli or residence would not make any difference. Citizenship law would concern
the same population and would have the same juridical effects. Further,
naturalization would be irrelevant. It is the case, of course, that the
population and territory of a nation-state do not coincide. People migrate and,
with respect to migration, one can distinguish broadly between two different
types of countries:
The legal traditions of jus soli and jus
sanguinis were maintained with consistency and relative ease in the majority of
these different countries until World War II. In countries of immigration such
as the United States, jus soli allows the children of immigrants to acquire
citizenship automatically. For continental European countries that were
countries of emigration, jus sanguinis allowed citizens abroad to maintain
links until their descendants lost touch.
Since World War II, however, citizenship laws
have converged across all democratic states, due to the large increase in the
scale of migrations across the world. In many continental European states,
large-scale postwar immigration led to legislative changes so as to permit
increasingly large segments of the population born in their territories, namely
second-and third-generation immigrants, to access citizenship more easily.
Elements of jus soli have been included in their jus sanguinis tradition that
extends citizenship automatically at birth to third-generation immigrants
(France since 1889, the Netherlands since 1953, Spain since 1990, and Belgium
since 1992). For the second generation, in many countries, children born to
immigrants on national territory are entitled to citizenship if the child
(Belgium, Denmark, Finland, France, Italy, Netherlands, Spain, Sweden) or one
of the child's parents (Germany) has lawfully resided there for a period of
years.
Countries with nationality laws based upon
automatic jus soli often attracted a number of immigrants into their territory,
encouraging these countries to become more restrictive. For example, the United
Kingdom's imperial and expansive conception of territory, combined with its jus
soli tradition, involuntarily encouraged immigration. Just after World War II,
all subjects of the British Empire had access to British citizenship simply by
residing in the territory of the United Kingdom proper. Since that time,
British legislation on nationality has undergone a swift and silent revolution
away from the extended and automatic jus soli to a 1981 law that attributes
citizenship only to children born in U.K. territory to parents with legal
residence status. The legal residence of parents has also been included as a
requirement in the Portuguese and South African laws.
The trend toward convergence in nationality laws
concerns almost all advanced industrial countries, insofar as they share three
basic characteristics: democratic values, stable borders, and a self-perception
as countries of immigration rather than of emigration. The importance of these
three conditions is confirmed when considering exceptions to this rule, such as
Israel and Russia. In both countries, there is a dominant perception that many
of their citizens reside outside their borders, and that the
borders—indispensable for the definition of the soli—are not stable. Jus
sanguinis thus remains at the center of both of their citizenship laws. But for
all countries, regardless of their situation concerning migration or their
level of development, there are two distinct lines of convergence in
nationality laws. First, there has been a notable trend since the mid-twentieth
century toward repealing provisions for the automatic acquisition of
citizenship through marriage, a move motivated at the same time by the
development of equal rights between men and women in nationality laws and by
worries about fraudulent marriages with illegal aliens. Second, equal rights
between men and women to transmit their citizenship to their children has
produced the development of dual citizenship and more toleration of this
phenomenon in many countries that formerly refused it (for example, Switzerland
since 1990). What remains divergent are the rules for naturalization; that is,
the processes by which foreign residents of the first generation access
citizenship in a host country. States generally require a period of residence
and knowledge of the language, and take into account a criminal record, but the
details of these requirements still vary greatly, both in the formal
requirements of nationality laws and in the practices through which these laws
are enforced.
Patrick Weil